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The Communitarian ResLife Movement: Part 4 (Final)

Last November the dam broke and water splashed through the residence life program at the University of Delaware. It gushed through closets and hampers and unearthed soggy boxes of Charades, Outburst, and Taboo. Thomas Wood has been trying to making sense of the aftermath, leading NAS’s “How Many Delawares?” initiative. This latest report draws the connections between a popular campus ideology and its manifestation in the U of Delaware residence life program.
 
We have decided to serialize Tom’s new report in four installments, and we serialize it for four reasons. 1) It’s long and sometimes a bit complicated. 2) After reading the first section, you’ll want more. Delayed gratification builds character. 3) Since you will want more, you’ll come back to our website. We value regular readers. 4) By giving you a few days between installments we like to think we are facilitating time for reflection. (The same reason I would have serialized Walden, had I been Thoreau.)
 
We present this as an observation of the remarkable overlap of communitarian principles and the principles motivating sustainability and the residence life movement. Communitarianism is a notoriously elusive political concept. For example, what is the communitarian stance on abortion? The death penalty? Minimum wage? Healthcare reform? Depending on the communitarian you are speaking to, the answer will run the gamut of the political spectrum. Thomas Wood takes one of its most popular forms and shows the danger to the legitimate purposes of higher education in allowing advocates of a political ideology to force feed their views to students under the guise of fostering “citizenship” or similar anodyne-sounding rubrics.
 
-NAS 

This is the fourth and final installment in this series. Follow these links to read the first, second, and third installments. 

VOLUNTARY PROGRAMS, FREE SPEECH, AND THE MARKETPLACE OF IDEAS
 
I have already suggested that, if communitarianism is to be taken seriously at all, one can expect that a communitarian agenda will create more conflicts with principles of free speech and other individual rights than is the case with traditional, classical liberalism. The likely conflict has already been noted in a July 27, 2005 article by David French entitled "The Authoritarian Communitarian Impulse":
 
The phrase that stood out to me—“the elusive ideal of community”—reminds me of the impulse that animates many of the abuses that FIRE fights. From the Shippensburg speech code to Washington State’s heckler’s veto, university attempts to foster feelings of “community” often veer from exhortation to coercion. The desire to create a “close-knit campus” is understandable and—in many ways—laudable. Yet these attempts often collide not merely with the law, but also with the student culture itself. There is very little reason to believe that the modern secular campus will be any different from polarized red/blue America—a contentious, pluralistic melting pot of different ideas, religions, races, and ideologies. In such a circumstance, “community” often means “peaceful coexistence” more than it does “love and harmony.” This reality can be particularly frustrating for student life administrators who often define their job as creating the very kind of harmonious community that students say they want but then do very little to create. Consequently, it becomes easier to understand why these administrators are so tempted to use the institutional power at their disposal, both to coerce communitarian actions and attitudes and to punish those who threaten the community spirit that administrators spend so much time trying to build.
 
The two specific abuses French cites in this article—the "heckler's veto" at Washington State University and Shippensburg University's speech code—did plainly involve unconstitutional violations of free speech. But the problems that French identified with the modern American university's search for community are not limited to such clear-cut issues. In particular, the more general problem is not resolved simply by making communitarian programs like those at U Delaware voluntary. This might remove the most obvious and egregious constitutional offenses, but does not get to the real heart of the problem. Even if the 2008-2009 Res Life program that was approved on May 21 by the University of Delaware faculty senate does prove to be completely voluntary, compelling objections to the program will remain, because the program involves the university’s endorsement of particular political views, which thereby become preferred and privileged on campus. This necessarily diminishes the university as an unfettered marketplace of ideas and debate.
 
Free speech, at least in an academic environment, is not simply a constitutional issue, as if a university campus were nothing but a public square, like Hyde Park. Of course, public universities, at least, are that, but universities are also much more. A Hyde Park-type public square is free to the extent that a speaker cannot be arrested or penalized by the state for expressing unpopular opinions there. But a public square like Hyde Park is not expected to be a free market place of ideas in the same sense in which a university is. Governments have public policies, and citizens should be free to speak against them in the public square. It is not the function of a university to take stands on public issues in the way that governments do. With very few exceptions (such as rules against racial or sexual discrimination), universities should not have or endorse public policies. In this respect, a college campus is, or should be, a free marketplace of ideas in a much stronger sense than the public sphere itself is. One might criticize public policies and resolutions that the U.S. Congress or the City of London might adopt on issues like global warming, but no one imagines that it is inappropriate for them to have such policies. But with very few exceptions (anti-discrimination rules being one), a university or a faculty senate should not have such policies, because universities serve an entirely different social function than legislatures and other government bodies.
 
Even in the public sphere outside the university walls, maintaining a genuinely free marketplace of ideas involves more than simply protecting constitutionally sanctioned free speech, as is shown by the example of issues like media concentration and media democracy. Whether media concentration has reached the point in the U.S. today where it is a threat to a genuinely free marketplace of ideas is open to debate. But in principle, it is clear that media concentration in a modern, highly technological society can in principle reach levels that threaten the actual functioning of the marketplace of ideas. If that should happen, then it becomes a social and political problem, even though the media concentration may not trammel anyone’s constitutional rights of free speech under the First Amendment. Difficult, contentious issues in campaign finance law and copyright law provide other examples. As issues and problems in these areas of the law also demonstrate, maintaining an unfettered, genuinely free marketplace of ideas cannot simply be reduced to a question of whether a speaker on a soap box can be hauled off by the state for expressing unpopular opinions.
 
If this is true of the public square, it is even truer of the university, which must adhere to even higher standards for maintaining a free market place of ideas. Those higher and more exacting university standards are inevitably compromised whenever the university as an institution takes a stand on controversial issues, and thereby grants certain views an officially sanctioned corner in the marketplace of ideas. A university should never make its students wonder whether, given the views they might personally hold on controversial matters, they should have enrolled somewhere else. A university can certainly make its students wonder that without putting them at risk of being arrested by the campus police or getting graded down for expressing unpopular views on controversial matters on campus.
 
The same is true of faculty senates. There are virtually no instances where it is appropriate for faculty senates to take positions on controversial public issues. If individual faculty members feel strongly about, say, the rightness or wrongness of the war in Iraq, those members should feel that they are at perfect liberty to sign declarations stating their views. They should also feel free to identify themselves as faculty at their university, but their faculty affiliation should be for the purpose of identification only. It would also be appropriate to mention the number of signatories, together with the number of faculty at the university. If the ratio of the number of signatories against the total number of faculty members is large enough, the general public can infer, if it so chooses, that if the declaration or statement had been put to a vote of the faculty senate, it would have passed. But a declaration or statement by faculty members who would have constituted a majority of a faculty senate vote if it had occurred is not the same thing as a declaration actually passed by majority vote of that body. Individual faculty members, even groups of them, are at perfect liberty to take positions on any public or political issues that engage their attention, but that is not the business of faculty senates as official university bodies. These are concerned only with academic affairs.
 
The same is true of university staff. If a university's librarians, for example, want to take a position for or against, say, the war in Iraq, or if the entire non-academic staff of a university wants to do so, they are perfectly free to express their opinions publicly. But it would be inappropriate for them to do so in a body as university librarians or as university staff. That is not what a faculty senate does, and it is not what university staff as a body does. As university bodies, both are concerned only, albeit in different ways, with purely academic questions.
 
Communitarian activists on campus clearly want their ideology to be adopted as the university’s official ideology in a way that goes beyond adopting things like campus recycling programs. They are very earnest about creating a campus climate in which communitarian ideas and ideals are as normative as they are in many NGO environmentalist groups and other communitarian-minded organizations. This goes beyond having sustainability or other communitarian values represented in the curriculum, where courses about them are taught subject to accepted academic norms.
 
Norms are what membership organizations are about, but they are not what universities are about. Obviously, universities have norms of conduct as well—such as rules about noise-making after hours in the dorms. But the Res Life agenda, as exemplified in U Delaware’s controversial Res Life program, goes way beyond the norms required for cooperative living in dorms and elsewhere on campus. One does not have to be a libertarian in order to find it objectionable that the University of Delaware had signs in the commons areas of the residence halls with mottoes like "If you think the world is only about you, You are in the Wrong Place.” It would be equally objectionable for a public research university to post signs with libertarian mottoes like “The government that governs least governs best.” Of course, a dorm might have communitarians and libertarians who hold such views, and who post such views on the doors of their own dorm rooms. A university must protect such speech, even encourage it. But it should not be doing the same thing itself.
 
Any purely voluntary program is not likely to be found constitutionally infirm. That is because, unlike, say, Great Britain, the U.S. does not have laws prohibiting political indoctrination. (See “British Truck Driver Sues to Ban Al Gore’s Film from Schools”). Nor should there be such laws. The line between genuine education and political indoctrination is often very hard to draw, and the government certainly shouldn’t have the power to decide where that line should be. But that doesn’t mean that there isn’t such a line, and it is vitally important for a university to draw the line in the right place.
 
If the 2008-2009 Res Life program at the University of Delaware does turn out to be purely voluntary, it will not be challengeable on First Amendment grounds. But the program remains unacceptable for other reasons. The program must be terminated if Delaware wants to support a genuinely free marketplace of ideas.
 
The Res Life administrators at U Delaware who designed and who will be running the 2008-2009 curricular program there clearly do not think of themselves as participants in the free marketplace of ideas in the academy, as if their programming were simply an extension to the dorms of the curriculum taught by the faculty in the university’s classrooms. The details of last year's programs and even this year’s greatly toned-down program clearly prove otherwise. The differences are predictable and even inevitable, given that university courses are not intended to be "programming" at all.

 

WHAT EXACTLY WAS AT ISSUE ON MAY 12, 2008?

A RESPONSE TO JOHN K. WILSON 

On the day the faculty senate at the University of Delaware approved the 2008-2009 Res Life proposal, Minding the Campus published an exchange of views between John K. Wilson, the founder and moderator of CollegeFreedom.Org, and Adam Kissel of F.I.R.E. Wilson’s piece (“Unsustainable? A Defense Of ResLife At Delaware”) is remarkable for the relentless perversity of its interpretations of the issues before the faculty senate and the nature of the criticisms leveled against the proposal by critics like F.I.R.E. and the NAS. It is a useful exercise to consider Wilson’s arguments, point by point.

According to Wilson, “…academic freedom is endangered whenever voluntary educational programs are banned.”

The language of “banning” is entirely misleading. On May 12, 2008, the faculty senate decided (mistakenly in our view) to approve a program. It had a multitude of compelling reasons to reject the proposal, but it didn't do so. If it had rejected the proposal, it would not have “banned” anything. Is Wilson seriously suggesting that any time a program proposal is rejected by a faculty body that this is tantamount to a ban on the ideas contained in it?

“But no one should have veto power to ban educational programs.”

In the sense of the action taken on May 12, faculty senates “ban” proposals all the time, if by that Wilson means that they veto them or reject them.

Critics opposed the Res Life program proposal, not because they wanted to ban ideas from campus, but because they thought the program was schlock, and that it was inappropriate for a university to endorse the program itself.

“If ResLife was proposing to promote abstinence and other conservative values, I might disagree with them, but I would never seek to ban any of their activities.”

No university worth the name should have programs promoting “abstinence and other conservative values,” either. In fact, a university should not have any “programming,” as Res Life conceives it, at all.

“But you are not free to ban the program from existing. And that is what critics such as FIRE are demanding.”

The faculty senate did not have the power to ban “programming.” Students who might have a taste for such programs are at perfectly liberty under the First Amendment to organize them themselves.

When it approved the 2008-2009 proposal on May 12, the faculty senate made the wrong decision, but if it had made the right decision, it would not have engaged in any thought repression. Faculty senates make decisions to terminate or reject programs all the time because they fail to meet academic standards, and not because they are engaging in “thought repression.”

“The quality of the ResLife program is entirely irrelevant to the question of whether it should be banned.”

This is absurd. It is entirely relevant to the question whether the proposal should have been rejected—as in fact it should have been.

“The conservative critics of the ResLife proposal also misunderstand the role of faculty. The Delaware Association of Scholars proclaimed that the educational program ‘appropriates the educational function of the faculty. Turning ResLife and its staff into a principal instrument of “the University of Delaware's educational priorities,” the program usurps the faculty's historic prerogative to oversee education at the University...By approving the program, the faculty would be relinquishing the prerogative.’ By this logic, the faculty could ban any educational program it wanted to, such as speakers invited by staff or students, on the grounds that only the faculty is entitled to educate students.”

Wrong again. If university staff want to bring speakers onto campus they may do so, and students do it all the time. Faculty may also do so. But those events are not university programs that have been awarded the imprimatur of the university. That is the kind of program that the University of Delaware had and continues to have in its dorms. When a faculty senate approves a course, it is not given an official sanction or status by the university itself in the way that the Res Life curriculum has been. In the first case but not the second, it is simply a matter of the faculty deciding that the course meets its academic standards.

It is expected that one-third of the time of Delaware’s Residence Assistants will be devoted to the “curricular program” that the faculty senate approved. In effect, the decision by the faculty senate on May 12 involved a significant delegation of the faculty’s teaching prerogatives and responsibilities to the student affairs and Res Life divisions on the campus. Since these are administrative divisions of the university, not academic ones, that delegation also entailed an ideological commitment to the program by the university itself that does not exist when a faculty member teaches a course. It is an ideological commitment that the university should withhold from any program no matter what the political orientation of the program might be: libertarian, communitarian, liberal, progressive, communist, right wing true-blue patriotic Republican, or whatever.

“The notion that faculty alone are qualified to educate students is absurd.”

Nine hundred years or more of academic history says that it is not absurd. Support of this long-standing university tradition does not commit one to the view that any program taught by any faculty member is going to be superior to any course taught by someone who is not a faculty member. It is just that universities are institutions with a structure and a tradition, and according to this tradition, educational instruction is put squarely in the hands of the faculty.

That Wilson is simply wrong about this is shown by the fact that even President Harker recognized that Delaware’s faculty had veto power over the Res Life program. Submitting the proposal to the faculty senate was not a gratuitous act of generosity toward the faculty on Harker’s part: it was an acknowledgment of the fact that in the university tradition, including that of the University of Delaware, teaching is in the hands of the faculty. That rule of university governance has been adopted, not because it will always lead to the right result, but because it is thought to be the best of all possible rules. Can Wilson really think think that non-faculty staff at the university should be able to teach anything they want, without the approval of the faculty?  That is what Wilson's article certainly suggests, though it is a pretty crazy view. 

"Everyone—including faculty, staff, students, and outsiders—should be free to educate students. The faculty do not have any ‘educational prerogatives’ outside the classroom, and no power to ban programs with views they might dislike."

Does the faculty have the power to “ban views they might dislike"? Well, it does have the power to tell the administration what educational instruction it might or might not conduct in the dorms. In fact, it is the responsibility of the faculty to terminate programs in the dorms that in its considered view are inappropriate for a university. The U Delaware faculty did not come to that decision on May 12. But it could have, and it should have.

“This is demeaning and insulting to all students, since it presumes that students would be better off with nothing to do rather than running the ‘risk’ of being pressured to attend an event.”

Even if a program like U Delaware’s is offered on a voluntary basis, and there are students who might want it, it still shouldn’t be offered by a university, because a university should not itself support such “programming.” If there are students who want such programs ardently enough, they are at perfect liberty to organize those programs themselves under the First Amendment.

 “Why can't a residence hall have intellectual activities and engage students in serious ideas?”

It can. If it wanted to, it could ask the faculty to organize such activities. It could also ask the University itself to pay for such activities. (Res Life at Delaware has said that it will try to make arrangements with the faculty for such events, though on May 12, apparently, it could not promise anything; at that time, Res Life could only promise that invitations to interested faculty would be issued.) Alternatively, dorm residents can arrange for “intellectual activities” that “engage …serious ideas” on their own. But their having the right to do this doesn't mean that Res Life should be able to run its own programs at the university’s expense.

“I object to the relativist approach promoted by FIRE, which seems to presume that all ideas are equal and that staff at a university should never dare to teach anyone that some ideas are better than others.”

Staff members at a university do not teach. That is the function of the faculty, not because faculty members are always good teachers, or better teachers than any others could be, but because that is their function. There are widely recognized norms and standards for faculty instruction in the academy, such as those adopted by the AAUP. These guidelines may not be perfect: they can be and have been criticized. But at least the AAUP has made the attempt to get it right. Because teaching is not the responsibility of staff members, there are no comparable norms or standards for them. That is undoubtedly why things like “transformative education,” “holistic learning,” “experiential learning,” and the like have been able to get a purchase in Res Life programs in a way that has not been possible—as yet, anyway—in the curricular sector of the university.

“FIRE is infantilizing college students”
 
On the contrary, it is Res Life’s curricular program that infantilizes students. It demeans them and patronizes them, because it treats them, not as scholars or students, but as citizens—and defective ones, at that. Students pay tuition and attend college in order to be treated as students not global citizens.
 
“In the Delaware case, FIRE has moved from a correct principle that students should not be compelled to participate in controversial residence hall activities to an incorrect belief that no controversial residence hall activities should be allowed out of fear that students might ‘feel’ compelled to participate. This is no small step; it is a massive leap from protecting free speech to attacking it. It is disgraceful to see FIRE betraying the principles of academic freedom and seeking to ban a program from a university because it finds the content too liberal for its conservative taste.”
 
“It is the liberal content of the program that FIRE and other conservative critics object to.”
 
“ResLife promotes social justice and civic engagement, and these are political values (albeit not very radical ones). I think these are good political values, and conservatives disagree, but that doesn't matter.”
 
Wrong again. FIRE and the NAS have not objected to Res Life’s curricular program at the University of Delaware because of its “liberal content.” The objection has always been that it is inappropriate for purely academic reasons for the University to be running such politically-charged programs.
 
 “The only relevant question is whether the ResLife program violates the rights of students by compelling them to participate or censoring their views”
 
Not exactly. This is only one question of many. Programs are rejected by faculty senates all the time: (1) because funds are limited, the university has to make a choice, and necessarily some programs get approved and others don’t; (2) because a proposed program doesn't meet the faculty's standards, and is deemed unworthy of the university; and (3) because it doesn’t fit into the university’s structure or its rules of governance, quite independently of any judgments about its merits. As it happens, the University of Delaware should have rejected the Res Life proposal on all three grounds.
 
LOOKING AHEAD
 
Communitarianism may have a politically promising future in the United States. If so, students, staff, and faculty who support that ideology will have more opportunities in the future than ever before to participate in voluntary political and NGO-type activities to support communitarian causes, on and off campus. But activists want more than this.  They want their universities to join in support of their causes and agendas in the same way as these other kinds of organizations, and this is a threat to academe.
 
The controversy at U Delaware over Res Life’s curricular program exposed to public attention a larger movement in higher education that has been at work for many years. It involves a commitment to a very strong version of communitarian ideology by student life and residential affairs professionals. The agenda is to first get strongly communitarian ideals into curricular programs that are taught in residence halls. This is thought to be—probably correctly—the most promising place to begin on campus. But the ambition is wider than that. Proponents hope to transform all of higher education with this agenda.
 
Res Life at U Delaware was forced by criticism on and off campus to tone down its program significantly, and the agenda is now under public scrutiny in a way that it never has been before. One "former UD hall director," in a comment on an article in the Chronicle of Higher Education on the recent NAS statement, "Rebuilding Campus Community: The Wrong Imperative," even opined--apparently with considerable bitterness--that “transformative learning” is no longer allowed in the residence halls at Delaware.
 
It remains to be seen if that assessment is correct. It would be a very good thing for everybody concerned if it is, but if it is, it means that the current program is just window dressing, and one might reasonably doubt that this is the case. None of the culprits at the university was fired, and no apologies by any of those responsible for last year’s truly outrageous programs have been given. A program with the same agenda and ideology continues at Delaware, only now it is said to be voluntary.
 
In my view, it would be wishful thinking to believe that the Communitarian Res Life movement has actually been given its quietus. We must continue our efforts to combat it, for it has no place in any university that deserves the name.
 
 
 

Add a Comment

Wood blames me for “the relentless perversity of its interpretations of the issues before the faculty senate.” To the contrary, I think my analysis is still on target, and here is my point-by-point rebuttal.

Contrary to his claims that he’s not proposing to ban controversial activities, Wood proclaims, “a university should not have any ‘programming,’ as Res Life conceives it, at all.”

Wood claims, “If university staff want to bring speakers onto campus they may do so, and students do it all the time. Faculty may also do so. But those events are not university programs that have been awarded the imprimatur of the university.” That’s not true: most events on campuses are organized as part of university programs. Freedom must apply to university programs, not just those organized on the side.

Wood writes, “When a faculty senate approves a course, it is not given an official sanction or status by the university itself in the way that the Res Life curriculum has been.” However, it Is not clear why a Residence Life program represents the official position of a university any more than a course does.
 
According to Wood, “it is absurd to think that non-faculty staff at the university should be able to teach anything they want without the approval of the faculty.” It’s not absurd at all. In fact, the opposite is absurd. Anybody can “teach” anything to voluntary groups without the approval of faculty.

Wood argues, “it is the responsibility of the faculty to terminate programs in the dorms that in its considered view are inappropriate for a university.” Actually, no, the power of the faculty to terminate programs is primarily limited to the power over the curriculum. No one imagines that the faculty actually have the power to eliminate the entire Residence Life program, and the administration would overrule them if they tried. Faculty don’t have the power to ban this program, and they particularly don’t have the power to ban certain aspects of it because they’re deemed controversial.

In response to my question, “Why can't a residence hall have intellectual activities and engage students in serious ideas?” Wood replies, “It can. If it wanted to, it could ask the faculty to organize such activities. It could also ask the University itself to pay for such activities.” The problem is that faculty are not experts at organizing student activities, as Residence Hall staff are. Nor do faculty usually have the time or interest to organize such activities. Nor can most universities afford to hire faculty to work organizing these activities. I wish that universities hired faculty for Residence Halls, and I wish that most faculty volunteered to organize extracurricular activities. But until that happens, we have the university as it is, not the dream university where anything short of some ideal can be banned.

Of course, even if faculty were truly in charge of Residence Hall activities, Wood would still object to controversial programs. So it is clear that the “faculty control” issue is a mere convenient tool utilized for this case, and not a true argument.

I am glad that Wood admits that compulsion and the particular flaws of the past Delaware programs are not at issue: “Even if a program like U Delaware’s is offered on a voluntary basis, and there are students who might want it, it still shouldn’t be offered by a university, because a university should not itself support such ‘programming.’”

Wood claims, “dorm residents can arrange for ‘intellectual activities’ that ‘engage …serious ideas’ on their own. But their having the right to do this doesn't mean that Res Life should be able to run its own programs at the university’s expense.”  But if a faculty member was banned from mentioning politics in the classroom, would we say that this protected academic freedom on the grounds that students would still be free to speak? That, in fact, is David Horowitz’s approach, and it proposes a tremendous restraint on intellectual freedom.

Student freedom is not sufficient for a free university. Nor is faculty freedom. A free university must have freedom for everyone, and it must include freedom to organize activities relevant to the duties of the individual. If the job of Residence Hall staff is to add to the enjoyment and education of students (and it is), then they must be free to develop those plans. Selective bans on political or controversial speech are never allowed, and that’s what Wood is demanding.

Wood quotes me writing, “The quality of the ResLife program is entirely irrelevant to the question of whether it should be banned” and declares, “This is absurd. It is entirely relevant to the question whether the proposal should have been rejected—as in fact it should have been.”

Of course, quality always matters at a university—but not to the question of whether freedom is allowed. When a program is bad, you might fire the employees or seek to make it better; but you must never declare a ban on controversial or political views from being expressed. Wood doesn’t object to Delaware’s educational program being badly done; to the contrary, he objects to the entire concept. An effective and well-done program might be even worse to him.

Wood argues. “Staff members at a university do not teach. That is the function of the faculty…There are widely recognized norms and standards for faculty instruction in the academy, such as those adopted by the AAUP….Because teaching is not the responsibility of staff members, there are no comparable norms or standards for them.” That’s not true. Staff members do have norms, standards, and qualifications. One of these norms is that staff should seek to educate students through extracurricular activities. Some people may not like the choices staff make in educating students, but they should seek to criticize, not prohibit, those choices when the rights of students are not being violated.
 
According to Wood, “Students pay tuition and attend college in order to be treated as students not global citizens.” Who decided that? And what does it mean? Why can’t the education of students include informing them about the world? Of course, students are perfectly free to ignore anything about being a “global citizen” and concentrate solely on their studies. But for students who want to be global citizens, why can’t staff be allowed to organize programs that inform them? 


Some of John K. Wilson's disagreement with my essay seems to involve disagreement about facts, and some of it appears to be about values.

As for the facts:

My essay is built on a number of claims that I regard as factual, including the following:

(1) Curricular programming is, and has been presented by the University of Delaware and its Res Life division as, part of the educational function of the university.

(2) Res Life's curricular programming differs from the education offered by the curricular sector of the university proper--i.e., classroom instruction by the faculty--in a number of significant ways, including:

(a) The "programming" is not taught by faculty, but by staff members, who report directly to the Administration, not to the faculty.

(b) It is intended to be "transformative" in ways that are not typical of the classroom. Its aim is not simply (or even principally) to transmit knowledge or develop critical skills. Its principal aim is to make students understand their responsibilities as global citizens (as defined, of course, by Res Life), and all the goal setting--which has been very detailed and specific--is about getting them to think and act accordingly.

(3) Since Res Life's "educational" programming, according to the university's own organizational charts, bypasses the faculty senate, it is not subject to the constraints and rules protecting academic freedom, the conscience of students, and other vital matters that have been the concern--in fact the articulated concern-- of the professoriate for decades.

(4) Res Life itself has no articulated norms of a similar character, either at U Delaware or anywhere else. (Nor is it clear--given its overwhelming commitment to "transformative learning" and its wholesale commitment to attitudinal goal setting and behavior modification--that it could have such norms.)

(5) The University of Delaware, like any other university, public or private, is a corporate entity. It is run by the President, who is selected by the trustees of the university and remains in office only so long as he or she has their confidence.

But a university differs from most corporate entities because a university has shared governance: educational matters are in the hands of the faculty. When the faculty senate approves a course, its approval does not mean that the faculty itself approves of the views taught in that course: it simply means that the faculty deems that course to have met its academic standards. It follows that when a faculty member teaches a course, the university itself is not committed to the views taught in that course.

Because there is no tradition, and because there are no rules, for shared governance with non-academic divisions like Res Life, the same cannot be said of a Res Life program, whether it is purportedly educational, or simply involves pizza parties or other kinds of entertainment. These are "owned" by the university in a way that no course taught in the curricular sector of the university is.

There are other facts that lie at the bottom of this dispute that I could enumerate, but perhaps this will do, because it is clear that Wilson isn't comfortable with even this set of facts.

The principal problem with his response to my paper is that he seems to want to have it both ways. Half the time he wants to defend the "programming" that I have just described. At other times, when the facts make him squirm, he wants to deny the facts.

It might be possible to have a discussion with Wilson once he has gotten clear with me and with himself about when the disagreement is over facts, and when it is over values.

As for some of the factual disagreements:

<<According to Wood, “it is absurd to think that non-faculty staff at the university should be able to teach anything they want without the approval of the faculty.” It’s not absurd at all. In fact, the opposite is absurd. Anybody can “teach” anything to voluntary groups without the approval of faculty.>>

This misses the point. Wilson, apparently, would like to think of Res Life staff members as free agents on campus, teaching anything they like to voluntary groups, like Socrates in the public square (agora) of Athens. This is absurd, and a simple denial of the facts. Res Life is a division of the University. Its staff members are paid by the University and are legally responsible agents of the University (and are even so in important ways that a faculty member is not).

If we cannot reach agreement about this simple fact, then we cannot have agreement about anything else, because we will not be able to agree about the implications of having the University committed to "transformative" educational programming of the kind that U Delaware is running in its dorms.

<<Wood argues, “it is the responsibility of the faculty to terminate programs in the dorms that in its considered view are inappropriate for a university.” Actually, no, the power of the faculty to terminate programs is primarily limited to the power over the curriculum. No one imagines that the faculty actually have the power to eliminate the entire Residence Life program, and the administration would overrule them if they tried. Faculty don’t have the power to ban this program, and they particularly don’t have the power to ban certain aspects of it because they’re deemed controversial.>>

No one has questioned the existence of the "entire Residence Life program." What has been questioned is only that new and innovative part of it that implicates and diminishes the rights and responsibilities of the faculty—i.e., the part of it that claims to be educational.

Does the faculty have the power to "ban" this program? Well, here we find Wilson using the term "ban" again. The faculty can't and shouldn't ban the views expressed in U Delaware's Res Life program, but it certainly can and should bar the University itself (i.e., its paid employees and staff) from running the curricular program.

As I have pointed out in my essay, we know that the faculty does have this power because President Harker submitted the Res Life curricular program to an up and down vote before the faculty senate this spring. This was not a gratuitous act of generosity on his part: it was a simple recognition of the fact that Res Life itself insisted that its curricular programming was educational, and that it therefore needed the approval of the faculty senate.

These are simple facts about university governance, and so far as I can tell, Wilson is simply in total denial about them.

<<Of course, even if faculty were truly in charge of Residence Hall activities, Wood would still object to controversial programs.>>

The point is that if faculty were truly in charge of the purportedly educational Res Hall activities, they would be subject as faculty to the norms that apply to classroom instruction. As it is, Res Life is not subject to these norms--and as I have suggested above, it is not clear, given the goal-setting and other aspects of "transformative education" that Res Life has established for itself, that it ever could be.

<<Staff members do have norms, standards, and qualifications. One of these norms is that staff should seek to educate students through extracurricular activities.>>

I ask: what are these norms? Where and when has it ever been established in the university tradition that "staff should seek to educate students through extracurricular activities" outside the purview of the faculty senate and the academic norms of the professoriate?

I am convinced that all that is required to stop the nationwide Communitarian Res Life movement is a clear description of it, and an agreement and understanding about some of the simple, undeniable facts about it on the part of faculty and administrators--and perhaps even of a lot of Res Life professionals themselves. Wilson clearly does like such "programming," though the weakness of his position comes through clearly when he feels compelled to dispute some of the central and most obvious facts about it.


Collegiate Press Roundup, 9-9-10

Student journalists size up medical marijuana, overrated college ratings and President Obama's leadership style.

Sustainability News: September 2010

Is sustainability just a fad? Or has it become ingrained in our culture? Take a look at these 14 recent articles on sustainability in higher education and judge for yourself.

Constitutionalizing “Academic Freedom,” Deconstitutionalizing Free Speech

One of the dangers of bringing academic freedom under judicial authority is that doing so threatens First Amendment rights on campus.

2010 Summer Highlights

Happy fall! Here's a roundup of our top articles from June, July, and August.

Take Back the Classroom from PowerPoint

Restrict PowerPoint use in teaching to pictures and videos, writes Jason Fertig. Too much PowerPoint usurps professors' authority and accustoms students to lazy thinking.

Collegiate Press Roundup 9-2-10

Student journalists examine topics from presidential speeches to campus smoking bans.

Will You Promote Diversity? Virginia Tech Tests Faculty Candidates’ Commitment

A major public university has fashioned a “diversity” litmus test for faculty hiring

FIRE Educates for Free Speech on Campus

FIRE will offer a Free Speech Seminar in NYC on September 14.

University Speaker Series: Arab Feminism, Black Feminism, and "A Southern Queer Love Story"...No Comment

A program on gender and diversity at the University of Richmond will explore "emancipatory ideas of social justice" this fall.

How Scholarships Morphed into Financial Aid

This excerpt from Jackson Toby's latest book, The Lowering of Higher Education in America: Why Financial Aid Should Be Based on Student Performance, will appear in the forthcoming fall issue of Academic Questions (vol. 23, no. 3).

Common Reading Controversy at Brooklyn College

Is Brooklyn College using freshman reading for ideological goals?

Question of the Week: How Many Colleges Should You Apply To?

To answer, leave a comment on this article, email us, or respond via Facebook or Twitter (no more than 140 characters).

Atlas Black Shrugs

The first comic book textbook combines management jargon and theories and packages them into a story about a slacker student's attempt to become an entrepreneur.
1 comment - Last on 08/27/2010

Collegiate Press Roundup 8-26-10

Student journalists have a look at the Ground Zero mosque controversy, reducing your carbon footprint and the pitfalls of "sexting."

A Regulatory Assault on For-Profit Higher Education

How the attacks on for-profit higher ed are squashing needed competition.

New Excellent Programs: Tocqueville Program and Center for Statesmanship

Check out our list of excellent programs as we add new ones at Indiana and Richmond.

The Glut of Academic Publishing: A Call for a New Culture

This article will appear in the forthcoming fall issue of Academic Questions (vol. 23, no. 3). A short version of this paper appeared under the title “We Must Stop the Avalanche of Low-Quality Research” in the June 13, 2010 Chronicle of Higher Education.
1 comment - Last on 08/25/2010

Building a 21st Century Syllabus

Professors these days have to cover their backs when writing syllabi, writes David Clemens.
2 comments - Last on 08/20/2010

Question of the Week: Why Did You Choose Your College?

We're starting a new "Question of the Week" series. We'll have a new higher-education-related question every week. To answer, leave a comment on this article, email us, or respond via Facebook or Twitter (no more than 140 characters).
2 comments - Last on 08/20/2010

Dictatorships and Double Standards, Part II

Professor Paquette responds to the controversy generated this summer after Hamilton College sought to censor his NAS article.

 

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